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| 走過歷史 —— 照見慶修院之變遷=Changes of Qing Xiu Monastery: Seen from A Historical Perspective | ||
| 作者 | 釋真啟 |
|---|---|
| 出處題名 | 2016年「利他主義與菩薩思想」國際學術會議=2016 International Conference on "Altruism and Bodhisattva Thought" |
| 出版日期 | 2016.05 |
| 頁次 | 249 - 281 |
| 出版者 | 玄奘大學宗教與文化學系、中華民國關懷生命協會、財團法人弘誓文教基金會 |
| 出版者網址 | http://www.hongshi.org.tw/index.aspx |
| 出版地 | 桃園市, 臺灣 [Taoyuean shih, Taiwan] |
| 資料類型 | 會議論文=Proceeding Article |
| 使用語言 | 中文=Chinese |
| 附註項 | 作者單位：佛教弘誓學院教師 |
| 關鍵詞 | 七腳川=Cikasuan; 吳添妹=Tien-mei Wu; 真言宗=Buddhist Shingon Sect; 吉野布教所院=Yoshino Preaching Center; 堀智猛=Tomotake Hori; 慶修院=Qing Xiu Monaster |
| 摘要 | 日治後期，對原住民的統治採取強硬積極的理番政策，1908年七腳川事件發生，導致七腳川社被滅社。沒有七腳川事件發生，就沒有日本官營移民村的成立，也不會有為安撫日人移民心靈的真言宗吉野布教所創建。 真言宗吉野布教所在台灣光復後，由吳添妹女士接管，更名為慶修院。吳添妹往生後，慶修院逐漸邁向凋零，傳統寺院的功能不再。1997年慶修院經吉安鄉公所提報，由內政部指定為三級古蹟。 本研究探討慶修院自日治時期以降，在面臨經營者變異更迭，及當時的歷史文化背景與國家政策下，每個階段所呈現出不同的樣貌、不同的功能性，乃至參訪者的不同屬性。慶修院目前關於日治時期留下，提供研究資料非常有限，故本研究透過官方資料，尤以日治時期總督府公文、台灣圖書館典藏日治時期書籍、日本國立國會圖書館典藏書籍、日治時期統計書等的資料爬梳、分析，期能填補這段時期歷史足跡的空缺，留下紀錄。 本研究獲得之結論如下： 一、日治時期就吉野移民村的規劃，日本人與台灣人是分離居住的，堀智猛法師在推動教務上，主要仍以日人移民為主，除為精神信仰中心外，更具備了醫療所、課堂室及喪葬法事服務等多種功能。而光復後，客家籍的吳添妹，以在家居士身分接管，使慶修院得以保存。立為三級古蹟後，參訪者層面更多，不再侷限於宗教信仰者，逐漸以文化觀光為導向。 二、在慶修院由內政部立為三級古蹟後，公部門的立場對宗教予以尊重，雖然還有護摩火供等宗教儀式進行，但慶修院已不同於傳統寺院，院中並無修行者或住持存在，傳統寺院功能自此消失。 三、在經濟方面，日治時期的吉野布教所，靠信奉真言宗之檀信護持；吳添妹時期亦有信徒奉納油香，立為三級古蹟後則由中央撥款維護管理，現今因花蓮縣政府財政緊縮，期能透過官辦民營的方式，藉由經營者從事之經濟活動來資助慶修院之運作。 四、在風格方面，立為三級古蹟後，慶修院歷經二次公辦民營，分別為「花蓮縣青少年公益組織」與「騎腳酸休閒文化事業社」，一為文史工作者，一為觀光旅遊業者，在慶修院經營風格上，各有其特色。 During the later stage of their occupation, Japanese adopted a more suppressive and aggressive controlling policy to govern the aborigines. In 1908, the Cikasuan Incident happened. If it had not happened, there would have not been a Japanese immigrant settlement established, and the Shingon Buddhist sect would have not set up Yoshino Preaching Center to console or inspire those immigrants spiritually. After the Retrocession of Taiwan, Yoshino Preaching Center was handed over to Ms Tien-mei Wu and renamed Qing Xiu Monastery. After she passed away, it withered gradually, no more playing the role a traditional monastery did. Then, with the proposition from Ji-an Township Office, the Ministry of the Interior designated this monastery as a third class historical monument in 1997. Ever since the Japanese occupation period, Qing Xiu Monastery has gone through the leadership of several different persons, while historical and cultural backgrounds as well as national policies changed with times. This survey aims at exploring each stage for its distinctiveness in how Qing Xiu Monastery appeared, how it functioned, and what attributes visitors possessed. So far, the collected data left behind by Japanese were very insufficient for a further study, so this survey combs and analyzes the official data in order that what was lost or ignored in the study of this monastery’s history may be made up. These data include governmental documents, publications now preserved in Taiwanese and Japanese libraries, and statistics, all of which date back to the Japanese occupation period. Based on the explorations and analyses, this research has reached the following conclusions: 1. During the Japanese occupation period, the regulations stipulated that Japanese and Taiwanese should live in separated areas in the Yoshino Settlement. Basically, Venerable Tomotake Hori worked primarily on serving Japanese settlement immigrants. Apart from a spiritually religious place, the center even functioned as a medical center, a classroom, a funeral service center, etc. After the Retrocession of Taiwan, due to the fact that Ms Tien-mei Wu, a Hakka lay Buddhist, took over the preaching center, the monastery could then be preserved. After it was designated as a third class monument, there have been a wide range of visitors. Besides religious followers, the monastery has also been appealing to visitors of different attributes, and thus the situation has opened up an opportunity for cultural tourism. 2. After Qintg Xiu Monastery was designated as a third class monument, governmental departments have had a great respect for it. Although Qing Xiu Monastery still holds religious ceremonies such as homa rituals, of which a consecrated fire is the central element, it is totally different from a traditional temple or monastery. There are neither monastic disciples nor an abbess any more, and so the functions a traditional monastery usually plays disappear actually. 3. In the economic aspect, during the Japanese occupation period Yoshino Preaching Center had been dependent on its donors’ financial support. Then in the |
| 目次 | 一、前言 253 二、開拓維艱的吉野布教所 254 （一）真言宗來台佈教過程 254 （二）真言宗吉野布教所的成立 255 1、真言宗吉野布教所首位宗教師——堀智猛 255 2、與教內的互動 257 3、堀智猛來台與慶修院創建時間點之疑雲 257 4、慶修院建築之官方資料 260 5、真言宗吉野布教所之經濟 262 三、台灣光復後之慶修院 263 （一）吳添妹接收慶修院因緣兩種說法 263 （二）慶修院的經濟來源及產權 264 1、共修法會 264 2、向外勸募化緣 265 3、下田及畜養雞隻和豬隻販賣以貼補家用 265 4、吳氏家族協助 265 （三）中國佛教的影響 266 四、登上古蹟之列的慶修院 267 （一）花蓮青少年公益組織協會之經營 268 1、慶修院之經濟活動 269 2、青少年公益組織管理慶修院大記事 269 3、宗教的元素之注入 276 （二）花蓮縣政府文化局管理時期 276 1、慶修院經營權之爭議 276 2、文化局接管期間活動內容行程 277 3、文化局接管慶修院之困境 278 （三）委外「騎腳酸休閒文化事業社」管理 279 1、 慶修院之經營方向 279 2、慶修院訪客類型 280 3、慶修院之經濟活動（騎腳酸休閒文化事業社時期） 280 4、業者於慶修院經營之期許 281 |
| 點閱次數 | 72 |
| 建檔日期 | 2020.08.20 |
| 更新日期 | 2020.08.20 |
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